BRITAIN’S WIND OF CHANGE BETRAYAL OF AFRICA
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PLEASE SHARE OUR REAL NEWS STORIES: British Prime Minister Harold McMillan’s notorious ‘Wind of Change’ speech delivered to the Parliament of the South African Republic in 1960 was possibly the greatest single act of treachery in the history of colonisation.
The premier’s speech was unlikely to have been written by him but by his globalist paymasters. The ‘wind of change’ blew Europe’s African colonies across the Atlantic to the globalist banking corporations based in Wall Street.
Whilst the shameful speech was made to the South African parliament its effects were comparable throughout Europe’s African colonies. These included colonies gathered and developed over the centuries by Britain, Spain, Portugal, France, Belgium, and Italy. Karma, Germany once had great colonies too that were pirated by the British after Germany’s WWI defeat.
Premier Harold McMillan was responsible for the handing over of over 7 million Russians and Europeans to the Red Army from 1945. He was responsible for as much death, destruction of human values as was his mentor, Winston Churchill. For space reasons, Harold McMillan’s Winds of Change speech has been condensed. Where content appears in italics translates as ‘bullshit’.
“It is, as I have said, a special privilege for me to be here in 1960 when you are celebrating what I might call the golden wedding of the Union. At such a time it is natural and right that you should pause to take stock of your position, to look back at what you have achieved, to look forward to what lies ahead. In the fifty years of their nationhood, the people of South Africa have built a strong economy founded upon a healthy agriculture and thriving and resilient industries.
No one could fail to be impressed with the immense material progress which has been achieved. That all this has been accomplished in so short a time is a striking testimony to the skill, energy, and initiative of your people. We in Britain are proud of the contribution we have made to this remarkable achievement. Much of it has been financed by British capital.
As I’ve travelled around the Union I have found everywhere, as I expected a deep preoccupation with what is happening in the rest of the African continent. I understand and sympathise with your interests in these events and your anxiety about them.
Ever since the breakup of the Roman Empire, one of the constant facts of political life in Europe has been the emergence of independent nations. They have come into existence over the centuries in different forms, different kinds of government, but all have been inspired by a deep, keen feeling of nationalism, which has grown as the nations have grown.
In the twentieth century, and especially since the end of the war, the processes which gave birth to the nation states of Europe have been repeated all over the world. We have seen the awakening of national consciousness in peoples who have for centuries lived in dependence upon some other power. Fifteen years ago this movement spread through Asia. Many countries there, of different races and civilisations, pressed their claim to an independent national life. (a round of applause from the banking corporations).
Today the same thing is happening in Africa, and the most striking of all the impressions I have formed since I left London a month ago is of the strength of this African national consciousness. In different places, it takes different forms, but it is happening everywhere.
The wind of change is blowing through this continent and whether we like it or not, this growth of national consciousness is a political fact. We must all accept it as a fact, and our national policies must take account of it.
Well you understand this better than anyone, you are sprung from Europe, the home of nationalism, and here in Africa you have yourselves created a free nation; a new nation. Indeed in the history of our times, yours will be recorded as the first of the African nationalists. This tide of national consciousness which is now rising in Africa is a fact, for which both you and we and the other nations of the western world are ultimately responsible.
For its causes are to be found in the achievements of western civilisation, in the pushing forwards of the frontiers of knowledge, the applying of science to the service of human needs, in the expanding of food production, in the speeding and multiplying of the means of communication, and perhaps above all and more than anything else in the spread of education.
As I have said, the growth of national consciousness in Africa is a political fact, and we must accept it as such. Then the threats: “That means, I would judge, that we’ve got to come to terms with it. I sincerely believe that if we cannot do so we may imperil the precarious balance between the East and West on which the peace of the world depends.”
Globalist (Bolshevik) Speak: “The world today is divided into three main groups. First, there is what we call the Western Powers. You in South Africa and we in Britain belong to this group, together with our friends and allies in other parts of the Commonwealth.
In the United States of America and in Europe we call it the Free World. Secondly, there are the Communists, Russia and her satellites in Europe and China (whose existence and enslavement of 200 million ‘White Negroes’) is guaranteed thanks to our Lend Lease Act) whose population will rise by the end of the next ten years to the staggering total of 800 million. Thirdly, there are those parts of the world whose people are at present uncommitted either to Communism or to our Western ideas.
In this context, we think first of Asia and then of Africa. As I see it the great issue in this second half of the twentieth century is whether the uncommitted peoples of Asia and Africa will swing to the East or to the West.
Will they be drawn into the Communist camp? Or will the great experiments in self-government that are now being made in Asia and Africa, especially within the Commonwealth, prove so successful, and by their example so compelling, that the balance will come down in favour of freedom and order and justice?
The struggle is joined, and it is a struggle for the minds of men. What is now on trial is much more than our military strength or our diplomatic and administrative skill. It is our way of life. The uncommitted nations want to see before they choose.”
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